Witchcraft Among Azande in Africa

        

Other Essays

 

According to modern social anthologists like E.Pritchard, M. Wilson, E. Ardenal   there is a difference between witchcraft  and sorcery. E.Evans-Pritchard  explains that witchcraft is conceived as being innate part of the personality, a trait  that can be inherited by either from father to son or mother to daughter (unilinear decent). But sorcery is learned and it is regarded as deliberate use of magic through spells, ceremonies e.t.c. Among Azande (a tribe around the South of Sudan) the former referred  as 'mangu', a term translated by Evans-Pritchard as witchcraft and the latter 'ngua' as sorcery which is something you perform by knowing the appropriate techniques.(1)

   Some authors disagree on using the term either witchcraft or sorcery because both terms can have strong pejorative connotation. They suggest a more neutral term like "occult powers", that would do more justice, because both witchcraft and sorcery can have a negative or a positive aspects. J.D.Krige notes that "sorcery is simply lawful means put to unlawful ends, the same techniques may be moral and approved in one context but immoral and outlawed in another."(2) Among Nyakyusa (a tribe in Tanzania) for example as M. Wilson explains, it is the python (isota) in the belly that can be  used to bewitch someone as well as to defend against evil forces. It gives certain powers like to harm human and cattle by tramping, wounding and kicking them. The difference between a witch and a defender is in the quality and quantity of pythons, witches can have several pythons but a defender only one and also defender's python is invisible in the autopsy (performed in order to find whether one was a witch). In the Nyakyusa there was a clear distinction between the legal and the illegal use of occult powers. Wilson points out that witchcraft (ubolosi) was sharply distinguished from sorcery (ubutege), destructive use of medicines with a  physiological manipulation of certain materials.(3)

  Among Azande witchcraft (mangu) is a psychic act, Azande call it mbisimo mangu, the soul of witchcraft. It has a consciousness in itself, where it can be active without you having any knowledge of it and there isn't much you can do about it. Witchcraft is present everywhere. It plays significant part in every daily activity, like family life, hunting, fishing, etc. Witchcraft is a substance within the body, mainly in the abdomen, being part of the body grows with it. Consequently children have a small quantity of witchcraft matter in their stomach, on the contrary the elderly have big and powerful mangu substance. Azande describe this as an oval blackish swelling or a bag which can contain various objects. It is  beneath the xiphoid cartilage and is attached to the liver. This can be visible during the autopsy  in the stomach of the diseased where when they press it this substance bursts through with a pop. It can also be diagnosed in the alive through oracles.(4)

  

   Activities of witches

   

   The soul of a witch can leave the body any time day and night, although witches are mainly active during the night. The dispatched soul of a witch flies around the village looking for victims. The witchcraft travels in the form of light, Azande describe it as "witchcraft is like fire, it lights a light".(5) This can be seen  only by a witch during the day and a witch-doctor,  but during the night it is visible to everyone. When a man sees a light of witchcraft throws a charcoal under his bed in order that he does not suffer from seeing it.

   Evans-Pritchard writes that he had been witness of   witchcraft in action, only once. Where around midnight when he was studying  he had seen a light traveling towards the hut of a villager. Speculating on the incident E.Pritchard says that he hadn't been able to trace that light, it could really have been someone with a torch who was going to defecate. Accidentally enough the very next day there was a passing in that particular hut.

Evans-Pritchard notes that, he was well assured that, that was indeed a witchracft.

    Among Azande witches prefer to eat human flesh, particularly they prefer the souls of the organs. People can be killed this way. E.Pritchard quotes a villager explaining this painful process, "witches arise and beat their drum of witchcraft. The membrane of this drum is human skin. They stretch human skin across it so that they can sound their call on it to summon the members of their order. Their drum call is 'human flesh, human flesh, human flesh'".(6) They mainly prefer the ones with ill health. A witch who hates that person goes with the company of other witches to the hut of the future victim. Where the particular witch opens the victim's door, takes him out of his bed and throws him outside. Consequently all of them take small pots and start cooking that person's flesh. The man of course can't stand this treatment  falls ill and  dies.

   In the Nyakyusa witches like eating their victims live. Moreover because of their greed, they long  for milk and meat (the most prized food). Also, they can shoot a person causing pain in the place where the missile hit. In Nyakyusa the "breath of men" can cause prolonged illness although not always death. It can 'throttle' or 'trample' the  victim where the bewitched can wake up, more less conscious about what happened to him or her.(7)

   Through oracles and witch-doctor, one can understand by whom he has been bewitched and consequently take the appropriate action against it. Among Lobedu (a Bantu tribe, of the far N.E.Transvaal) anti-witchcraft devices are quite common, specially treated bones can protect a person against malevolent powers. Medicated pegs can also protect the village from flying witches.(8)

    

 

   Witchcraft accusations, confessions.

  

    As referred previously, when a man observes a persisting illness he should look for the responsible witch by either employing an oracle or going to a medicine man. The next stage is of accusing someone as being the responsible witch for the misfortune.

   Although it is rather difficult to distinguish an alive witch from the population at large, it seems that they share certain common attributes. Azande people think that there are external signs signifying whether one is a witch or not. Azande say, "one knows a witch by his red eyes. When one sees such a man one says he is a witch and this is true also of a woman with red eyes. But at present what happens is this: if they consult the poison oracle about a man and the oracle says that he is a witch the kinsmen of the sick man give him a fowl's wing that he may blow water on it. That man is a witch."(9)

   Among Azande and other African tribes, the persons who are at most risk of being accused of witchcraft are the ones who are rather unpopular and isolated from others. This can be a man who envy  his neighbour's wealth and well being or the a man who doesn't talk too much or doesn't like to take part in social activities. Also she can be a woman who does not look after the elderly in her family or the one who cooks something but does not want to share it with her neighbours. Witches and sorcerers  generally are regarded as sinister characters. They are people with ill will toward their fellow men, they particularly enjoy malevolent acts. Whenever they have success with their evil deeds they gather together and have big, rather ghoulish feast.

   In an incident of misfortune, prolonged illness or death people in the family or close relatives or neighbours are anxious to find the responsible witch. The family hit by misfortune would consult different oracles, in case that the oracle wasn't so clear they would go and ask to the witch-doctor. When the liable witch is found  he or she either is accused directly  face to face or indirectly. M.Wilson explaining the way that the Nyakyusa react in situations like these says: "the men of the village cut a banana stem and wrap banana leaves round it, and go at night and put it in front of his door..... without ever accusing him to his face of being a witch". After the next day people who notice the leaves say one to another that the witch has been caught, loudly that everyone in the village can hear, including the witch. Subsequently the witch finds impossible to bear this and flees away to another chief. Also a strong vengeance magic can be employed by the victim or the  family of the victim. This is rather dangerous  and complicated affair.

   Evans-Pritchard notes that in pro-European days the witches who had been accused would be executed directly or they would be required to compensate the victim. Although witches were seldom killed, unless he or she had committed repeated murders. E.Pritchard notes that, it was very difficult  for him to obtain information on vengeance magic, because not anyone knew about this unless you were member of the victim's household. It is rather strange that the casualty in witchcraft cases is not the victim per se, but the person who is accused of witchcraft.

   A  strange phenomena of self accusations, confessions of witchcraft has been observed among few W.African societies such as Effutu (Southern Ghana). Here the person herself (most of them happen to be women) confesses that she had bewitched someone like her own children, brothers, sisters but rarely husbands and co-wives. Because here also the witchcraft (ogyapa) is  uncontrollable action, one may have bewitched someone without having any knowledge of it. Therefore self accusations can make sense and  they are regarded not so shameful.(10)

   The person who feels that has bewitches someone can seek help from the traditional priest. After that she undergoes a process of treatment which can be rather prolonged affair. Several consequent confessions in the witch doctor's shrine, where also she has to spend a period, in order to purify herself. This is of course long and costly affair, but the costs are met by the husband.

   R.W.Wyllie notes that anthropologists did not pay particular attention to witchcraft confessions and had explained it taking into account only the accused person's point of view. Self confession witchcraft cases has been reported in Ghanaian studies by Debrynner (1961) et. al.; it exists in Banyang of West Cameroon and also in Cross River people. In Southern Ghana as Prof. Marwick notes accusations of witchcraft are rarely made. Where a  person who thinks that she has been bewitched can seek protection from a traditional priest, who can supply an anti-witchcraft medicine.

   As regards why one accuses oneself of witchcraft R.W.Wyllie explains that most of the self confessed were women, explanation of this would not be possible through the structural-functional analysis and it would probably require a ethno-psychiatric interpretation. Although according to structural-functional analysis, Lewis introduces the concept of 'peripheral possession'. By this he means that the socially deprived groups, use these kind of possessions by spirits in order to make an attempt to manipulate and extract support from the ones in dominant positions.(11)  

 

 

    Socio-economic factors affecting witchcraft beliefs

 

  Edwin Ardener giving his account on witchcraft accusations among Bakweri (West Cameroon, Bantu speaking people), notes that the belief in witchcraft (liemba) it can be related to the changes in sociological and economical field, belief in liemba maybe subject to fashion.

    Before the German invasion the Bakweri were living in scattered settlements, in a rainy volcanic and very fertile area. After the German conquest in 1894 there was  recognition of the  fertility of soil where there was an attempt to develop plantations of bananas, tea etc. After 1894 there was an increase of alienation, where in 1900 restrictions and reservations for Bakweri was established. The introduction of new food in 1890 by the missionaries, xanthosoma cocoyam, had already changed the local economy.(12)

  Following the invasion, new changes were introduced by Germans. There was a systematical tidying up of the Bakweri reservations, and new different types of plantations as referred above. Because there wasn't enough local population to work as labourers in the land, consequent to that there was an influx of people from outside. The immigrant workers outnumbered Bacweri considerably, by three to one. This brought with social changes, like predominance of male population forced the local women to prostitution and concubinage.

   In 1914 Germans succeeded by British, pro-Bakweri policy started. By that time the Bakweri had acquired unprogressive reputation. They were surviving by letting out their land to foreigners, without making any profit and living in poverty. The women had long left the men on their own, the place was looking deserted and the huts were fulling down. Later in 50s Bakweri suddenly stopped being apathetic and made fortunes in peasant banana trading.

   Parallel with these changes an alteration as regards the belief in liemba has been observed.

   In the beginning they thought that they were defeated by Germans because they had hanged two women for liemba.

Before the Europeans every village had a witch hanging three. Bakweri attitude to witchcraft and property were closely bounded. In 1953 (the period of stagnation) a new kind of witchcraft appeared, nyongo. This person was a prosperous man and a member of witchcraft associations. He could cause death  and could be recognised by his tin house built by zombies. A dying person should name a nyongo person. At the time there was deep seated fear of building  a new house, because of the fear of nyongo accusation.

   After 1953 Bakweri took up commercial farming and money was coming in; the belief in nyongo began to clear. Changes in the moral was followed by changes in economic circumstances and consequent change in the supernatural beliefs were observed. Bakweri were judging the change in  witchcraft beliefs as being more important from any other changes.

 

 A schematic presentation of economical changes and  nyongo among Bakweri.

 

Phase    Date          Economy          Belief

 

I        Pre-1850      Pre-xanthoma,      ?

                       isolate

II       1850- 1894    Xanthoma         No nyongo

                       trade goods.

III      1894-1954     Marginal to      Nyongo

                       plantations

IV       1954-1961     Banana boom      Nyongo controlled

 

                    

  Source: E. Ardener, "Witchcraft, economics and the continuity of belief". In M. Douglas, Witchcraft, confessions and accusations". Page:154     

                                                           

  E. Ardener explains that, despite the different circumstances Bakweri did not abandon their beliefs in liemba. Only this time the exorcized zombies became powerless.

   Witchcraft can be regarded as "the projection of conflicts that in a non-aggressive social environment are driven underground because they are not permitted to free expression in open dissension".(13) It occurs in situations where there is social tension  and it is a way of channeling the conflicts that otherwise would go unnoticed.

  

 

   Witchcraft accusations, way of social control

 

    The witchcraft accusations give an excellent means to outcast and to ostracize the ones who do not conform to the rules and regulations of the society they in. On the other hand fear of  witchcraft  accusation controls the ones who aim at higher positions in the social srata and the ones who became rich but do not want to share with others.

    R.M.Kesing writing on the force of social control through witchcraft says that, a "witchcraft accusations, which may in some societies assign responsibility for every death that occurs, give a splendid means to get rid of those who cheat deviate, or succeed too much - and a splendid incentive to be an upstanding citizen. Fear that witchcraft will be directed against one makes conformity to be norms of social life strategically wise".(14)

   A witch is an enemy of the of the society he or she lives in. Evans-Prichard notes that: "a witch attacks a man when motivated by hatred, envy, jealousy and greed"(15) Although he notes that the function of witchcraft is firstly a way of explaining the misfortune and afterward in explaining the personal relations.

   A man among Azande who suspects that one of his wives is a witch, he would be careful handling her in order not to offend. Also in the society one lives, one does not know who is or who isn't a witch. Therefore one should be attentive and careful in his social relations, with his neighbours, friends etc.

   Among Nyakyusa "a witch is the person whose character makes him to some extend isolated and unpopular".(16) These people treated with less courtesy and they are rarely invited in celebration or sharing some food or drink. If one woman looks after her father in law her children would be protected from witchcraft. Although that would depend on the good-will of the father-in-law who has to give his blessing an to express his good-will. The punishment  of the witches  also is in relation to the severity of the bewitched person or animal's condition.

   Among Nyakyusa the British administration tried to limit the use of witchcraft a method of social control and tried to establish a Western model in legal procedures. Here most of the local population thought that Westerners were not really prohibiting witchcraft but allowing by not permitting witchcraft accusations openly.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                            

   The Nyakyusa look back on the past days with nostalgia, where "the defenders"  against the witches could do  they work properly, although still they try to work but silently, because of the fear of Europeans. Many Nyakyusa accuse the Europeans with hypocrisy as the wife of the Christian chief explains it to M Wilson:"you are dissembling like all Europeans, you don't want to admit the reality of witchcraft. You are dissembling."(17)

                                                                                                   

   Epilogue

  

  In almost all African societies witchcraft seems common denominator in explaining unfortunate events . Witchcraft "is a natural philosophy by which the relations between men and unfortunate events explained and a ready stereotyped means of reacting to such events".(18)

   There some aspects of witchcraft which can be  described as having a rather positive contribution to the societies where it is prevalent. Some anthropologists argue that  witchcraft has a social function. Here J. Krige notes that witchcraft is not a mere meaningless superstition and unreason over reason. Krige gives a particular example in the Lobedu and notes that "witches and sorcerers, so far from playing the role lf unreason, make a rational contribution to the fulfillment of men's needs and purposes"(19) Explaining that  witchcraft is a way of understanding the  universe and trying to reason for failures and frustrations.

   Because witchcraft and sorcery  operates through human and man can be taken under control so can be witchcraft.  Therefore one can have control over his fate and feel somehow secured as far as his social and private life concerned.

   According to the Malinowskian functionalism witchcraft can be regarded as rational. Occult can  be understood if we put it in a wider context; as an explanation of the peoples fears about future and unforeseeable accidents. It makes sure in a way the success, where the results of behaviour cannot be predicted. 

 

 

          BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

 

1- E.Evans-Pritchart,'Witchcraft oracles and magic among the Azande' (1937)pp 9,21. Oxford Press.

2- J.D.Krige 'The social function of witchcraft'(1947), In M. Marwick (ed.) Witchcraft and sorcery p 267 Penguin  Books.

3- M.Wilson, 'Good Company'(1951) p 21  Oxford Press.

4- E.Evans-Pritchart,'Witchcraft oracles and magic among the Azande' (1937)p 22 Oxford Press.

5- Ibid, p 34

6- Ibid, p 35

7- M.Wilson, 'Good Company'(1951) p 91  Oxford Press.

8- J.D.Krige 'The social function of witchcraft'(1947),In  

   M. Marwick (ed.) Witchcraft and sorcery p 263 Penguin Books.

9- E.Evans-Pritchart,'Witchcraft oracles and magic among the Azande' (1937)p 23 Oxford Press.

10-J.D.Krige'The social function of witchcraft'(1947),In M. Marwick (ed.) Witchcraft and sorcery p 263 Penguin Books. 

11-R.W.Wyllie, 'Introspective witchcraft among the Effutu of Southern Ghana',(1973) In M. Marwick (ed.)pp 136, 137       

12- E.Evans-Pritchart,'Witchcraft oracles and magic among the Azande' (1937)p 23 Oxford Press.

13- M.Wilson, 'Good Company'(1951) p 109  Oxford Press.

14-R.W.Wyllie, 'Introspective witchcraft among the Effutu of Southern Ghana',(1973) In M. Marwick (ed.)  Witchcraft and  Sorcery p 132 Penguin Books

15-E. Ardener,'Witchcraft economics and the continuity of belief'. (1970) In M. Marwick (ed.) Witchcraft and Sorcery. Penguin Books

16-R.M.Keesing 'Cultural Anthropology'(1982) p316

17-E.Evans-Pritchart,'Witchcraft oracles and magic among the Azande' (1937)p 63 Oxford Press.

18-E.Evans-Pritchart,'Witchcraft oracles and magic among the Azande' (1937)p 63 Oxford Press.

19-J.D.Krige'The social function of witchcraft'(1947),In M. Marwick (ed.) Witchcraft and Sorcery p 263 Penguin Books.                                                                                   

                               

Please send your comments and suggestions to thrace@armory.com

Last updated: 18/04/01